Index

A New System; or, an Analysis of Ancient Mythology. Volume II

By Jacob Bryant

OF CANAAN, CNAAN, AND ΧΝΑΣ; AND OF THE derivative ΚΥΚΝΟΣ.

Lucian tells us, that, reflecting upon the account given of Phaëthon, who fell thunderstruck into the Eridanus, and of his sisters, who were changed to poplars weeping amber, he took a resolution, if he should ever be near the scene of these wonderful transactions, to inquire among the natives concerning the truth of the [150]story. It so happened, that, at a certain time, he was obliged to go up the river above mentioned: and he says, that he looked about very wistfully; yet, to his great amazement, he saw neither amber nor poplar. Upon this he took the liberty to ask the people, who rowed him, when he should arrive at the amber-dropping trees: but it was with some difficulty that he could make them understand what he meant. He then explained to them the story of Phaëthon: how he borrowed the chariot of the Sun; and being an awkward charioteer, tumbled headlong into the Eridanus: that his sisters pined away with grief; and at last were transformed to trees, the same of which he had just spoken: and he assured them, that these trees were to be found somewhere upon the banks, weeping amber. Who the deuce, says one of the boatmen, could tell you such an idle story? We never heard of any charioteer tumbling into the river; nor have we, that I know of, a single poplar in the country. If there were any trees hereabouts dropping amber, do you think, master, that we would sit here, day after day, tugging against stream for a dry groat, when we might step ashore, and make our fortunes so easily? This affected Lucian a good deal: for he had formed some hopes of obtaining a little of this precious commodity; and began to think that he must have been imposed upon. However, as Cycnus, the brother of Phaëthon, was here changed to a swan, he took it for granted that he should find a number of those birds sailing up and down the stream, and making the groves echo with their melody. But not perceiving any in a great space, he took the liberty, as he passed onward, to put the question again to the boatmen; and to make inquiry about these birds. Pray, gentlemen, says he, at what particular season is it that your swans hereabouts sing so sweetly? It is said, that they were formerly men, and always at Apollo's side; being in a manner of his privy council. Their skill in music must have been very great: and though they have been changed into birds, they retain that faculty, and, I am told, sing most melodiously. The watermen could not help smiling at this account. Why, sir, says one of them, what strange stories you have picked up about our country, and this river? We have plied here, men and boys, for years; and to be sure we cannot say that we never saw a swan: there are some here and there towards the fens, which make a low dull noise: but as for any harmony, a rook or a jackdaw, in comparison of them, may be looked upon as a nightingale.

Such are the witty strictures of Lucian upon the story of Phaëthon and Cycnus, as described by the poets. Whatever may have been the grounds upon which this fiction is founded, they were certainly unknown to the Greeks; who have misinterpreted what little came to their hands, and from such misconstruction devised these fables. The story, as we have it, is not uniformly told. Some, like Lucian, speak of swans in the plural; and suppose them to have been the ministers, and attendants of Apollo, who assisted at his concerts. Others mention one person only, called Cycnus; who was the reputed brother of Phaëthon, and at his death was transformed to the bird of that name. The fable is the same whichever way it may be related, and the purport of it is likewise the same. There is one mistake in the story, which I must set right before I proceed; as it may be of some consequence in the process of my inquiry. Phaëthon is represented by many of the poets as the offspring of the Sun, or Apollo: [151]Sole satus Phaëthon. But this was a mistake, and to be found chiefly among the Roman poets. Phaëthon was the Sun. It was a title of Apollo; and was given to him as the God of light. This is manifest from the testimony of the more early Greek poets, and particularly from Homer, who uses it in this acceptation.

[152]Ουδεποτ' αυτους

Ηελιος Φαεθον επιδερκεται ακτινεσσιν.

In respect to Cycnus and his brotherhood, those vocal ministers of Apollo, the story, which is told of them, undoubtedly alludes to Canaan, the son of Ham; and to the Canaanites, his posterity. They sent out many colonies; which colonies, there is great reason to think, settled in those places, where these legends about swans particularly prevailed. The name of Canaan was by different nations greatly varied, and ill expressed: and this misconstruction among the Greeks gave rise to the fable. To shew this, it will be proper to give an account of the rites and customs of the Canaanites, as well as of their extensive traffic. Among the many branches of the Amonian family, which settled in various parts of the world, and carried on an early correspondence, the Canaanites were not the least respectable. They traded from Sidon chiefly, before that city was taken by the king of Ascalon: and upon their commerce being interrupted here, they [153]removed it to the strong hold of Tyre. This place was soon improved to a mighty city, which was very memorable in its day. The Canaanites, as they were a sister tribe of the Mizraïm, so were they extremely like them in their rites and religion. They held a heifer, or cow, in high veneration, agreeably with the [154]customs of Egypt. Their chief Deity was the Sun, whom they worshipped together with the Baalim, under the titles Ourchol, Adonis, Thamuz. It was a custom among the Grecians, at the celebration of their religious festivals, to crown the whole with hymns of praise, and the most joyful exclamations. But the Egyptians were of a gloomy turn of mind, which infected the whole of their worship. Their hymns were always composed in melancholy affecting airs, and consisted of lamentations for the loss of Osiris, the mystic flight of Bacchus, the wanderings of Isis, and the sufferings of the Gods. Apuleius takes notice of this difference in the rites and worship of the two nations: [155]Ægyptiaca numinum fana plena plangoribus: Græca plerumque choreis. Hence the author of the Orphic Argonautica, speaking of the initiations in Egypt, mentions,

[156]Θρενους τ' Αιγυπτιον, και Οσιριδος ἱερα χυτλα.

The Canaanites at Byblus, Berytus, Sidon, and afterwards at Tyre, used particularly mournful dirges for the loss of Adonis, or Thamuz; who was the same as Thamas, and Osiris in Egypt. The Cretans had the like mournful hymns, in which they commemorated the grief of Apollo for the loss of Atymnius.

[157]Αιλινα μελπειν,

Ὁια παρα Κρητεσσιν αναξ ελιγαινεν Απολλων

Δακρυχεων ερατεινον Ατυμνιον.

The measures and harmony of the Canaanites seem to have been very affecting, and to have made a wonderful impression on the minds of their audience. The infectious mode of worship prevailed so far, that the children of Israel were forbidden to weep, and make lamentation upon a festival: [158]Ειναι γαρ ἑορτην, και μη δειν εν αυτῃ κλαιειν, ου γαρ εξειναι. And Nehemiah gives the people a caution to the same purpose: [159]This day is holy unto the Lord your God: mourn not, nor weep. And Esdras counsels them in the same manner: [160]This day is holy unto the Lord: be not sorrowful. It is likewise in another place mentioned, that [161]the Levites stilled all the people, saying, Hold your peace, for the day is holy: neither be ye grieved. Such was the prohibition given to the Israelites: but among the Canaanites this shew of sorrow was encouraged, and made part of their [162]rites.

The father of this people is represented in the Mosaic history, according to our version, Canaan: but there is reason to think that by the Egyptians and other neighbouring nations it was expressed Cnaan. This by the Greeks was rendered Χναας, and Χνας; and in later times Χνα, Cna. [163]Χνα, ὁυτος ἡ Φοινικη εκαλειτο—το εθνικον Χναος. We are told by Philo from Sanchoniathon, that [164]Isiris the Egyptian, who found out three letters, was the brother of Cna: by which is meant, that Mizraïm was the brother of Canaan. I have taken notice more than once of a particular term, Υκ, Uc; which has been passed over unnoticed by most writers: yet is to be found in the composition of many words; especially such as are of Amonian original. The tribe of Cush was styled by Manethon, before the passage was depraved, Υκκουσος. Uch, says this author, in the sacred language of Egypt, signifies a [165]king. Hence it was conferred as a title upon the God Sehor, who, as we may infer from Manethon and [166]Hellanicus, was called Ucsiris, and Icsiris; but by the later Greeks the name was altered to Isiris and Osiris. And not only the God Sehor, or Sehoris was so expressed; but Cnas, or Canaan, had the same title, and was styled Uc-Cnas, and the Gentile name or possessive was Uc-cnaos, Υκ-κναος: το εθνικον γαρ Χναος, as we learn from Stephanus. The Greeks, whose custom it was to reduce every foreign name to something similar in their own language, changed Υκκναος to Κυκνειος, Uc Cnaus to Cucneus; and from Υκ Κνας formed Κυκνος. Some traces of this word still remain, though almost effaced; and may be observed in the name of the Goddess Ichnaia. Instead of Uc-Cnaan the son of Ham, the Greeks have substituted this personage in the feminine, whom they have represented as the daughter of the Sun. She is mentioned in this light by Lycophron: [167]Της Ἡλιου θυγατρος Ιχναιας βραβευς. They likewise changed Thamuz and Thamas of Canaan and Egypt to Themis a feminine; and called her Ichnaia Themis. She is so styled by Homer.

[168]Θεαι δ' εσαν ενδοθι πασαι,

Ὁσσαι αρισται εσαν, Διωνη τε, Ῥειη τε,

Ιχναιη τε Θεμις, και αγαστονος Αμφιτριτη.

Ιχναια is here used adjectively. Ιχναια Θεμις signifies Themis, or Thamuz, of [169]Canaan.

There was another circumstance, which probably assisted to carry on the mistake: a Canaanitish temple was called both Ca-Cnas, and Cu-Cnas; and adjectively[170] Cu-Cnaios; which terms there is reason to think were rendered Κυκνος, and Κυκνειος. Besides all this, the swan was undoubtedly the insigne of Canaan, as the eagle and vulture were of Egypt, and the dove of Babylonia. It was certainly the hieroglyphic of the country. These were the causes which contributed to the framing many idle legends, such as the poets improved upon greatly. Hence it is observable, that wherever we may imagine any colonies from Canaan to have settled and to have founded temples, there is some story about swans: and the Greeks, in alluding to their hymns, instead of Yκκναον ασμα, the music of Canaan, have introduced κυκνειον ασμα, the singing of these birds: and, instead of the death of Thamuz, lamented by the Cucnaans, or priests, they have made the swans sing their own dirge, and foretell their own funeral. Wherever the Canaanites came, they introduced their national worship; part of which, as I have shewn, consisted in chanting hymns to the honour of their country God. He was the same as Apollo of Greece: on which account, Lucian, in compliance with the current notion, says, that the Cycni were formerly the assessors and ministers of that Deity. By this we are to understand, that people of this denomination were in antient times his priests. One part of the world, where this notion about swans prevailed, was in Liguria, upon the banks of the Eridanus. Here Phaëthon was supposed to have met with his downfal; and here his brother Cycnus underwent the metamorphosis, of which we have spoken. In these parts some Amonians settled very early; among whom it appears that there were many from Canaan. They may be traced by the mighty works which they carried on; for they drained the river towards its mouth, and formed some vast canals, called Fossæ Philistinæ. Pliny, speaking of the entrance into the Eridanus, says, [171]Indé ostia plana, Carbonaria, ac fossiones Philistinæ, quod alii Tartarum vocant: omnia ex Philistinæ fossæ abundatione nascentia. These canals were, undoubtedly the work of the Canaanites, and particularly of some of the Caphtorim, who came from Philistim: and hence these outlets of the river were named Philistinæ. The river betrays its original in its name; for it has no relation to the Celtic language, but is apparently of Egyptian or Canaanitish etymology. This is manifest from the terms of which it is made up; for it is compounded of Ur-Adon, sive Orus Adonis; and was sacred to the God of that name. The river, simply, and out of composition, was Adon, or Adonis: and it is to be observed, that this is the name of one of the principal rivers in Canaan. It ran near the city Biblus, where the death of Thamuz was particularly lamented. It is a circumstance taken notice of by many authors, and most pathetically described by Milton.

[172]Thammuz came next behind,

Whose annual wound in Lebanon allur'd

The Syrian damsels to lament his fate

In amorous ditties all a summer's day:

While smooth Adonis from his native rock

Ran purple to the sea; suppos'd with blood

Of Thammuz yearly wounded.

It is said that the Eridanus was so called first by [173]Pherecydes Syrus: and that my etymology is true, may in great measure be proved from the [174]Scholiast upon Aratus. He shews that the name was of Egyptian original, at least consonant to the language of Egypt; for it was the same as the Nile. It is certain that it occurred in the antient sphere of Egypt, whence the Grecians received it. The great effusion of water in the celestial sphere, which, Aratus says, was the Nile, is still called the Eridanus: and, as the name was of oriental original, the purport of it must be looked for among the people of those parts. The river Strymon, in Thrace, was supposed to abound with swans, as much as the Eridanus; and the antient name of this river was Palaestinus. It was so called from the Amonians, who settled here under the name of Adonians, and who founded the city Adonis. They were by the later Greeks styled, after the Iönic manner, Edonians, and their city Edonis. [175]Στρυμων ποταμος εστι της Θρακης κατα πολιν Ηδωνιδα, προσηγορευετο δε προτερον Παλαιστινος. The Strymon is a river of Thrace, which runs by the city Edonis: it was of old called the river Palæstinus. In these places, and in all others where any of the Canaanites settled, the Grecians have introduced some story about swans.

Some of them seem to have gained access at Delphi; as did likewise others from Egypt: and by such was that oracle first founded. Egypt, among other names, was called Ait, and Ai Ait, by the Greeks expressed Αετια: [176]Εκληθη δε—και ΑΕΤΙΑ. The natives, in consequence of it, were called Αετιοι, and Αεται; which was interpreted eagles. Hence, we are told by Plutarch, that some of the feathered kind, either eagles or swans, came from the remote parts of the earth, and settled at Delphi. [177]Αετους τινας, η Κυκνους, ω Τερεντιανε Πρισκε, μυθολογουσιν απο των ακρων της γης επι το μεσον φερομενους εις ταυτο συμπεσειν Πυθοι περι τον καλουμενον ομφαλον. These eagles and swans undoubtedly relate to colonies from Egypt and Canaan. I recollect but one philosopher styled Cygnus; and, what is remarkable, he was of Canaan. Antiochus, the Academic, mentioned by Cicero in his philosophical works, and also by [178]Strabo, was of Ascaloun, in Palestine; and he was surnamed Cygnus, the Swan: which name, as it is so circumstanced, must, I think, necessarily allude to this country.

As in early times colonies went by the name of the Deity whom they worshipped, or by the name of the insigne and hieroglyphic under which their country was denoted, every depredation made by such people was placed to the account of the Deity under such a device. This was the manner in which poets described things: and, in those days, all wrote in measure. Hence, instead of saying that the Egyptians, or Canaanites, or Tyrians, landed and carried off such and such persons; they said, that it was done by Jupiter, in the shape of an eagle, or a swan, or a bull: substituting an eagle for Egypt, a swan for Canaan, and a bull for the city of [179]Tyre. It is said of the Telchines, who were Amonian priests, that they came to Attica under the conduct of Jupiter in the shape of an eagle.

[180]Αιετος ἡγεμονευε δι αιθερος αντιτυπος Ζευς.

By which is meant, that they were Egyptian priests; and an eagle was probably the device in their standard, as well as the insigne of their nation.

Some of the same family were to be found among the Atlantes of Mauritania, and are represented as having the shape of swans. Prometheus, in Æschylus, speaks of them in the commission which he gives to Io: [181]You must go, says he, as far as the city Cisthene in the Gorgonian plains, where the three Phorcides reside; those antient, venerable ladies, who are in the shape of swans, and have but one eye, of which they make use in common. This history relates to an Amonian temple founded in the extreme parts of Africa; in which there were three priestesses of Canaanitish race; who, on that account, are said to be in the shape of swans. The notion of their having but one eye among them took its rise from an hieroglyphic very common in Egypt, and probably in Canaan: this was the representation of an eye, which was said to be engraved upon the pediment of their [182]temples. As the land of Canaan lay so opportunely for traffic, and the emigrants from most parts went under their conduct, their history was well known. They navigated the seas very early, and were necessarily acquainted with foreign regions; to which they must at one time have betaken themselves in great numbers, when they fled before the sons of Israel. In all the places where they settled they were famous for their hymns and music; all which the Greeks have transferred to birds, and supposed that they were swans who were gifted with this harmony. Yet, sweet as their notes are said to have been, there is not, I believe, a person upon record who was ever a witness to it. It is, certainly, all a fable. When, therefore, Plutarch tells us that Apollo was pleased with the music of swans, [183]μουσικῃ τε ἡδεται, και κυκνων φωναις; and when Æschylus mentions their singing their own dirges; they certainly allude to Egyptian and Canaanitish priests, who lamented the death of Adon and Osiris. And this could not be entirely a secret to the Grecians, for they seem often to refer to some such notion. Socrates termed swans his fellow-servants: in doing which he alluded to the antient priests, styled Cycni. They were people of the choir, and officiated in the temples of the same Deities; whose servant he professed himself to be. Hence Porphyry assures us, [184]Ὁυ παιζων ὁμοδουλους αυτου ελεγεν τους κυκνους (Σοκρατης), that Socrates was very serious when he mentioned swans as his fellow-servants. When, therefore, Aristophanes speaks of the [185]Delian and Pythian swans, they are the priests of those places, to whom he alludes. And when it is said by Plato, that the soul of Orpheus, out of disgust to womankind, led the life of a [186]swan, the meaning certainly is, that he retired from the world to some cloister, and lived a life of celibacy, like a priest. For the priests of many countries, but particularly of Egypt, were recluses, and devoted themselves to [187]celibacy: hence monkery came originally from Egypt. Lycophron, who was of Egypt, and skilled in antient terms, styles Calchas, who was the priest of Apollo, a swan. [188]Μολοσσου κυπεως κοιτου κυκνον. These epithets, the Scholiast tells us, belong to Apollo; and Calchas is called a swan, δια το γηραιον, και μαντικον: because he was an old prophet and priest. Hence, at the first institution of the rites of Apollo, which is termed the birth of the Deity, at Delos, it is said that many swans came from the coast of Asia, and went round the island for the space of seven days.

[189]Κυκνοι δε θεου μελποντες αοιδοι

Μηονιον Πακτωλον εκυκλωσαντο λιποντες

Ἑβδομακις περι Δηλον· επηεισαν δε λοχειῃ

Μουσαων ορνιθες, αοιδοτατοι πετεηνων.

The whole of this relates to a choir of priests, who came over to settle at Delos, and to serve in the newly erected temple. They circled the island seven times; because seven, of old, was looked upon as a mysterious and sacred number.

[190]Ἑβδομη ειν αγαθοις, και ἑβδομη εστι γενεθλη.

Ἑβδομη εν πρωτοισι, και ἑβδομη εστι τελειη.

Ἑβδοματῃ δη ὁι τετελεσμενα παντα τετυκται.

Ἑπτα δε παντα τετυκται εν ουρανῳ αστεροεντι.

The birds in the island of Diomedes, which were said to have been originally companions of that hero, were undoubtedly priests, and of the same race as those of whom I have been treating. They are represented as gentle to good men, and averse to those who are bad. Ovid describes their shape and appearance: [191]Ut non cygnorum, sic albis proxima cygnis; which, after what has been said, may, I think, be easily understood.

If then the harmony of swans, when spoken of, not only related to something quite foreign, but in reality did not of itself exist, it may appear wonderful that the antients should so universally give into the notion. For not only the poets, but [192]Plato, Plutarch, Cicero, Pliny, with many others of high rank, speak of it as a circumstance well known. But it is to be observed, that none of them speak from their own experience: nor are they by any means consistent in what they say. Some mention this singing as a general faculty; which was exerted at all times: others limit it to particular seasons, and to particular places. Aristotle seems to confine it to the seas of [193]Africa: [194]Aldrovandus says, that it may be heard upon the Thames near London. The account given by Aristotle is very remarkable. He says, that mariners, whose course lay through the Libyan sea, have often met with swans, and heard them singing in a melancholy strain: and upon a nearer approach, they could perceive that some of them were dying, from whom the harmony proceeded. Who would have expected to have found swans swimming in the salt sea, in the midst of the Mediterranean? There is nothing that a Grecian would not devise in support of a favourite error. The legend from beginning to end is groundless: and though most speak of the music of swans as exquisite; yet some absolutely deny [195]the whole of it; and others are more moderate in their commendations. The watermen in Lucian give the preference to a jackdaw: but Antipater in some degree dissents, and thinks that the swan has the advantage.

[196]Λωιτερος κυκνων μικρος θροος, ηε κολοιων

Κρωγμος.

And Lucretius confesses, that the screaming of a crane is not quite so pleasing:

[197]Parvus ut est, Cygni melior canor, ille gruum quam

Clamor:

Which however is paying them no great compliment. To these respectable personages I must add the evidence of a modern; one too of no small repute, even the great Scaliger. He says, that he made a strict scrutiny about this affair, when in Italy; and the result of his observations was this: [198]Ferrariæ multos (cygnos) vidimus, sed cantores sane malos, neque melius ansere canere.



[149] Ibid.

[150] Lucian de Electro. vol. 2. p. 523. Edit. Salmurii.

[151] Ovid. Metamorph. l. 1. v. 751.

[152] Homer. Odyss. l. λ. v. 15. Phaëthon was universally allowed to be the Sun by the antient mythologists of Greece; to whom we must appeal, and not to the Roman poets. Orpheus says,

Ηελιον Φαεθοντα εφ' ἁρμασι πωλοι αγουσι. de Lapid. v. 90.

And in another place;

Ευθυς ὁτ' εκ περατων γαιης Φαεθων ανορουσων, κλ.

Phaëthon was the same as Phanes: and there is something very mysterious in his character. He is represented as the first born of heaven: Πρωτογονος Φαεθων περιμηκεος Ηερος ὑιος—Hunc ait (Orpheus) esse omnium Deorum parentem; quorum causâ cœlum condiderit, liberisque prospexerit, ut haberent habitaculum, sedemque communem: Εκτισεν Αθανατοις δομον αφθιτον. Lactantus de falsâ religione. l. 1. c. 5. p. 15. His history will be explained hereafter.

[153] Phœnices post multos deinde annos, a Rege Ascaloniorum expugnati, navibus appulsi, Tyron urbem ante annum Trojanæ cladis condiderunt. Justin. l. 18. c. 3. See Isaiah. c. 23. v. 11. They enlarged Tyre: but it was a city before: for it is mentioned Joshua. c. 19. v. 29. as the strong city Tyre.

[154] Porphyry de Abstinentiâ. l. 2. p. 158.

[155] Apuleius de genio Socratis.

[156] Argonautica. v. 32. See Clementis Cohortatio. p. 12.

[157] Nonni Dionysiaca. l. 19. p. 520.

[158] Joseph. Antiq. l. 11. c. 5. p. 563.

[159] Nehemiah. c. 8. v. 9.

[160] 1 Esdras. c. 9. v. 52, 53.

[161] Nehemiah. c. 8. v. 11.

[162] Sanchoniathon alludes to the songs of Canaan, and their great sweetness, when he is in an allegorical manner speaking of Sidon; whom he makes a person, and the inventress of harmony. Απο δε Ποντου γινεται Σιδων, ἡ καθ' ὑπερβολην ευφωνιας πρωτη ὑμνον ῳδης ἑυρεν. Apud Euseb. P. E. lib. 1. c. 10. p. 38.

[163] Stephanus Byzant.

[164] Sanchoniathon apud Euseb. l. 1. c. 10. p. 39.

[165] Υκ καθ' ἱεραν γλωσσαι βασιλεα σημαινει. Josephus contra Ap. l. 1. c. 13. p. 445.

[166] Osiris, Υσιρις, according to Hellanicus. Plutarch de Iside et Osiride.

[167] Verse 129.

[168] Homer's Hymn to Apollo. v. 92.

[169] Ichnaia was a city in Sicily, and elsewhere.

Αχναι πολις Θεσσαλιας—εστι και πολις Βοιωτιας. Steph. Byzant.

Αραχναιον ορος Αργους. Ibid. Ar-Achnaion is the hill of Canaan, or the Canaanitish mount.

[170] See Radicals. p. 106.

[171] Pliny. l. 3. p. 173.

[172] Milton. Paradise Lost. l. 1. v. 416. See also Ezekiel. c. 8. v. 14.

[173] Hyginus. Fab. 154. p. 266. not. 7. Ἑτεροι δε φασι, δικαιοτατον αυτον ειναι Νειλον. Eratosthenes. Catasterism. 37.

[174] Καλειται δε ὑπο των εγχωριων Βυχερνος. Αιγυπτιοι δε φασι Νειλον ειναι τον κατηστηρισμενον. Scholia in Aratum. p. 48.

[175] Plutarch de Fluminibus. vol. 2. p. 1154.

[176] Eustathius in Dionysium. v. 239. See Steph. Byzant. Αιγυπτος.

[177] Plutarch περι τον εκλελοιποτων χρηστηριων. vol. 1. p. 409.

[178] Strabo. l. 16. p. 1101. There was supposed to have been a person in Thessaly named Cycnus, the son of Apollo. He lived upon a lake Uria; which was so called from his mother.

Inde lacus Hyries videt, et Cycnëia Tempe,

Quæ subitus celebravit olor. Ovid. Metam. l. 7. v. 371.

Uria was also a river in Bœotia: and here was a Cycnus, said to have been the son of Poseidon. Pausan. l. 10. p. 831.

[179] Ερασθεντα δε Πασιφαης Δια γενεσθαι μεν Ταυρον· νυν δε αετον και κυκνον. Porphyry de Abstin. l. 3. p. 285.

Που νυν εκεινος ὁ αετος; που δαι ὁ κυκνος; που δαι αυτος ὁ Ζευς. Clemens. Alex. Cohort. p. 31.

[180] Nonni Dionysiaca. l. 24. p. 626.

[181]

Προς Γοργονεια πεδια Κισθενης, ἱνα

Ἁι φορκιδες ναιουσι, δηναιοι κοραι,

Τρεις κυκνομορφοι, κοινον ομμ' εκτημεναι. Æschyli Prometheus. p. 48.

Ἁι μεν φορκιδες τρεις—ειχον ειδος Κυκνων. Scholia ibidem.

Φορκυν ην ανηρ Κυρηναιος· ὁιδε Κυρηναιοι κατα γενος μεν εισιν Αιθιοπες. Palæphatus. Edit. Elz. p. 76.

[182] Τατε ωτα, και τους οφθαλμους ὁι δημιουργουντες εξ ὑλης τιμιας καθιερουσι, τοις Θεοις ανατιθεντες εις τους νεως· τουτο δηπου αινισσομενοι, ὡς παντα θεος ὁρᾳ, και ακουει. Clemens Alexand. l. 5. p. 671.

See Diodorus. l. 3. p. 145. This may have been one reason, among others, why the Cyclopians and Arimaspians are represented with one eye: τον μουνωπα στρατον Αριμασπον. Æschylus Prometh. p. 49. The Arimaspian history was written by Aristeus Proconnesius, and styled Αριμασπεια επη.

[183] Plutarch. Ει. vol. 2. p. 387.

[184] Porph. de Abst. l. 3. p. 286.

[185] Aristophanes. Aves. Κυκνῳ Πυθιῳ και Δελιῳ. v. 870.

[186] Plato de Republicâ. l. 10. p. 620. vol.2.

[187] Porph. de Abstin. l. 4. p. 364.

[188] Lycophron. v. 426. Scholia Ibidem.

[189] Callimachus. Hymn to Delos. v. 249.

[190] Fragmenta Lini. Ex Aristobulo. See Poesis Philosoph. H. Steph. p. 112.

[191] Ovid. Metamorph. l. 14. v. 509.

[192] Plato in Phædone. vol. 1. p. 84. Plutarch. in Ει. v. 2. p. 387.

Cicero Tusc. Quæst. l. 1. Pliny. l. x. c. 23.

Ælian de Animal. l. 2. c. 32. l. x. c. 36.

Philostratus. Vita Apollon. l. 3. c. 23.

[193] De Animalibus. l. 9. Και τινες ηδη πλεοντες παρα την Λιβυην περιετυχον εν τῃ θαλαττῃ πολλοις αδουσι φωνῃ γοωδει· και τουτων ἑωρων αποθνησκοντας ενιους. vol. 2. p. 423.

[194] See Brown's Vulgar Errors. l. 3. c. 27.

[195] Ὁ δε Μυνδιος φησιν Αλεξανδρος πολλοις τελευτωσι παρακολουθησας ουκ ακουσαι αδοντων. Athenæus. l. 9. c. 11.

[196] Epigram. in Erinnam. l. 3. p. 280. H. Steph.

[197] Lucretius. l. 4. v. 182.

[198] See Vossius de Idol. vol. 2. l. 3. c. 88. p. 1212. and Pierius de Cygnis. p. 254.

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